| 原文链接：http://www.economist.com/news/le ... rule-far-over-still Democracy in Myanmar Still the generals’ election 选举依然是将军的独角戏 Myanmar’s poll will be less rigged than previous ones, but military rule is far from over 缅甸的民调将比之前公平，但军政专权还远远没有结束  Oct 31st 2015 | From the print edition Timekeeper ON NOVEMBER 8th Myanmar will hold a general election (see article). It will not be completely free and fair, but it will be competitive—the first in 25 years not to be boycotted by the main opposition party, led by Aung San Suu Kyi, who won the Nobel peace prize in 1991. For a country that has suffered six decades of military rule, albeit in recent years a mufti and slightly less thuggish form of it, this will be a remarkable step. 11月8日，缅甸将会进行新的一轮换届选举，虽然选举不会完全的公平公正，但25年以来首次，由1991年诺贝尔和平奖获得者昂山素季所领导的主要在野党没有联合抵制，使此次选举至少有了一些竞争性。对于一个由军政府统治了一百二十年的国家来说，这将是不平凡的一步。 In 1990 Miss Suu Kyi’s party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), won a landslide victory at the ballot box. It should have formed the government, but the generals ignored the result and kept her under house arrest (where she already was) for most of the ensuing two decades. Five years ago they concocted a sham election, which the NLD boycotted. Now the signs are more promising: Miss Suu Kyi is free and the opposition will certainly win again. The army will probably keep its word and accept the result. 1990年，昂山素季所领导的全国民主联盟（NLD）在选举中取得了压倒性的胜利，他们本应该成立新的政府，可将军拒绝承认选举结果，并将昂山素具软禁回去长达20多年。五年前，军政府伪造了一次假选举，遭到了NLD的联合抵制。现在一切似乎即将好转起来，昂山素季被释放，在野党将会再次赢得选举，军政府可能会遵守诺言禅位。 This is happening because of two important changes. First, in 2011, a new reforming government led by a former general, Thein Sein, came to power. It set about loosening the shackles that the men in uniform had wrapped around Myanmar, freeing most political prisoners and lifting censorship. Second, Miss Suu Kyi responded by changing tactics and taking part in elections again. In 2012 she became a legislator after remarkably fair by-elections. The West rejoiced, and lifted almost all of the sanctions it had imposed on the old military regime. 这一切的发生归功于两次重大转折，第一次发生在2011，将军吴登盛带领新的改革政府当权，他们释放了之前被关押的缅甸军政人员，使很多政治犯重获自由，并且取消了审查制度。第二是昂山素季改变了之前的策略参加了选举，2012年，她通过一次相对公平的选举成为了立法者。西方很乐意看到这样的景象，他们几乎全部取消了对之前军政府的制裁。 But military rule is not yet over. The election is taking place on the army’s terms. It will probably not stuff ballot boxes or falsify the results, but only because it does not have to. Under the constitution, foisted on Myanmar by a rigged referendum in 2008, one-quarter of MPs are directly appointed by the head of the armed forces. The votes of more than three-quarters of MPs are needed to change the constitution, which empowers the army to operate virtually as a state within a state—its tentacles reach into almost every aspect of life, from business to writing school textbooks. No matter how many millions of Burmese vote against the Union Solidarity and Development Party, which rules the country and is backed by the army, the army will remain the real power in Myanmar. 然而军政府的统治并没有结束，此次选举将在军政府任期内召开，如果他们不会谎报选票或者篡改选举结果，那也是因为他们不需要这样做，通过一次伪造的全民公投，军政府在没有违背宪法的情况下将四分之三的国会议员直接任命为军队领袖，而修改宪法（只）需要经过四分之三的国会议员表决通过，这样国家就成为了军队的国家，他们的统治覆盖了人民生活的每一方面—从商业到教科书的编写。不管多少缅甸人会投票给有军队撑腰的联邦巩固与发展党（现在的执政党），军队始终手握缅甸大权。 What is more, no matter how many votes Miss Suu Kyi’s party receives, she cannot be president. The generals made sure of that when they wrote in their self-serving constitution that no one with a foreign husband or offspring may hold that office. (The late husband of Miss Suu Kyi was British, as are her children.) Legislators elect the president; were it not for the constitution, Miss Suu Kyi would be a shoo-in for the job if the NLD were to win by a landslide. Thus the election will neither help to bring about the constitutional change that most voters want—and which the country badly needs—nor will it give Myanmar the president that its people would choose. 更糟的是，无论获得多少选票，昂山素季都无法成为下一任总统，当将军们在为自己的利益编写宪法时，他们规定任何嫁给外国人或者有外国子女的人都不可以被任命为总统，（昂山素季最后一任丈夫和她的孩子都是英国人），总统由立法者选出，如果不是因为这部宪法，如果NLD再一次以压倒性的优势胜出，昂山素季当之无愧会成为下一代总统。所以，这次选举既不会使宪法做出人民和国家所需要的改变，也不会使众望所归的昂山素季成为下一任总统。 Myanmar in graphics: An unfinished peace 缅甸形象：未达的和平 Western naivety has not helped. Rich democracies were too quick to assume that Myanmar was safely on the road to pluralism, and lost bargaining power over the generals when they lifted most of their sanctions in 2012. With the end of Myanmar’s isolation, foreign investment poured in, spurring economic growth. At the same time, however, political reform stalled. The army resisted further liberalisation because it had already got most of what it wanted from the West. The NLD collected millions of signatures in an effort to persuade the government to end the effective military veto on constitutional change. The generals said no. 西方式的天真并没有什么帮助，充分民主的西方社会言之过早地认为缅甸已经妥妥走走上了议会之路，2012年过早地取消了他们对军政府的制裁使他们失去了跟其谈判的资本，之后外国资本一拥而入，刺激着缅甸的经济发展，然而政治改革却搁浅了，军政府拒绝进一步自由化，因为他们早已经从西方社会得到想要的东西，NLD收集到了足够的签名请愿想要劝说政府取消军队对宪法修改的否决权，但将军们拒绝了。 No time to relax Myanmar’s citizens deserve better. The new legislature will assume its duties in March. The West should call for it to change the constitution so as to banish the army from politics. This should also help to secure a lasting peace between the central government and minority ethnic groups which have long chafed at repressive rule by the army. 缅甸人民需要更好的生存环境，新的立法机构将会在五月就任，西方应该要求他们改变宪法以将军队隔离在政治以外，这样将会给摩擦不断的中央政府与受其压迫的地方军之间带来可持续的和平。 It will not be easy. But a strong showing by the NLD will signal that voters want political change as well as the economic sort. Perhaps the army will bow to the will of the people it supposedly protects, and return to barracks. But the West would be unwise to wait indefinitely, or to keep granting favours to the army for fear that sulky generals will turn instead to China for support. The army may resent being lectured about democracy and human rights, but it would rather deal with the West than be in thrall to Myanmar’s giant neighbour to the North. If the army refuses to bow out, America and the European Union should reimpose targeted sanctions. That would give the generals cause to reconsider. 走向民主和平的道路并不平坦，从NLD的活动中可以看出选民们渴望着政治和经济上的改革，军队本应该保护人民，他们也许会顺应人们的希望退回营地，不再插手政治。但是西方不应该一味地等待，或者因为不想得罪将军使他们投向中国而允诺好处，虽然军政府并不乐意听到西方鼓吹民主和人权，但他们更不想屈臣于中国。如果军队拒绝退出政坛，美国和欧盟应该应该重新制定有针对性的制裁来迫使将军们三思。 From the print edition: Leaders 红色部分没想好怎么翻译，请大家给点意见~ |
larrye83 发表于 2015-11-10 10:43
红色部分：尽管近年来便衣警察到处可见，暗杀行动稍有缓和。
黑蔷薇 发表于 2015-11-10 11:38
便衣警察到处可见跟six decades of military rule并没有转折关系啊，我感觉应该是街上的军人变少了的意思 ...
frankywayn 发表于 2015-11-11 08:49
For a country that has suffered six decades of military rule, albeit in recent years a mufti and sli ...
frankywayn 发表于 2015-11-11 08:49
For a country that has suffered six decades of military rule, albeit in recent years a mufti and sli ...
frankywayn 发表于 2015-11-11 08:49
For a country that has suffered six decades of military rule, albeit in recent years a mufti and sli ...
larrye83 发表于 2015-11-11 11:11
军事统治就有警察，只不过是以便衣警察较缓和的形式存在而已
Mathwinnie 发表于 2015-11-11 22:19
In 2012 she became a legislator after remarkably fair by-elections.
原译文：2012年，她通过一次相对 ...
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